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Where Kamala Harris’ VP options stand on abortion and religious liberty

First row (L-R) Secretary Pete Buttigieg, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear, and Gov. Roy Cooper of North Carolina. Bottom row (L-R) Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker, Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, and Sen. Mark Kelly, D-Arizona. / Credit: Wikimedia Commons/Public Domain/Official Photo

National Catholic Register, Jul 26, 2024 / 16:45 pm (CNA).

Kamala Harris is the Democrats’ presumptive nominee for president, bringing with her a long track record of promoting abortion and curtailing religious liberties.

But where do her potential vice presidential picks stand on these critical issues?

The dearth of national-level Democrats open to even modest restrictions of abortion and robust protections for religious liberties — a byproduct of the party’s strong shift to the left over the past decade — means that Harris will likely end up with a running mate who shares her views on the issues.

Here is a breakdown of the abortion and religious liberty views of eight VP contenders, along with what they could bring to the Democratic ticket.

U.S. Sen. Mark Kelly, Arizona 

Kelly, 60, offers Harris a chance to have a veteran on the ticket from a battleground state Biden narrowly won in 2020, after Trump won it in 2016. 

The former U.S. Navy pilot and astronaut could be portrayed as a centrist pick since he has criticized the Biden administration for not welcoming more oil and natural gas production and for not securing the country’s border with Mexico.

On abortion, though, Kelly is in lock step with his party’s positions. 

Kelly, who says he grew up Catholic, supports codifying Roe v. Wade, the U.S. Supreme Court decision that legalized abortion nationwide for more than 49 years, until it was overturned by the court’s 2022 Dobbs decision.

On religious freedom, the Arizona senator made a point of highlighting the inclusion of protections for religious groups and individuals in his statement celebrating the passage of the Respect for Marriage Act in 2022. Kelly’s statement also noted that the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints had backed the bill, which enshrined the right to same-sex marriage into federal law.

The U.S. bishops, however, had opposed the legislation, calling the religious liberty guarantees “insufficient.”

Gov. Josh Shapiro, Pennsylvania 

Shapiro, 51, is a popular governor in a pivotal swing state, making him an attractive possibility on Harris’ ticket. He beat out a Trump-backed candidate in 2022 by nearly 15 points to become Pennsylvania’s top executive after serving six years as the Keystone State’s attorney general. 

Shapiro has also cited his Jewish faith as an inspiration for his political involvement, which some believe could help the Harris campaign appeal to religious voters.

But religious voters, especially Catholics, might be less excited about his position on abortion. As governor, Shapiro has taken steps not only to expand access to abortion but also to limit alternatives. He ended a 30-year Pennsylvania program that funded pregnancy resource centers and instead launched a website to connect residents with abortion services. 

Earlier this month, Shapiro said his administration wouldn’t defend a state law that prohibits Medicaid fundings from being used on abortion after the law was challenged in court. 

As Pennsylvania’s attorney general, Shapiro sued the Trump administration for giving broad religious exemptions from a contraception mandate, a move that religious liberty experts feared could affect groups like the Little Sisters of the Poor.

In 2018, he also released a grand jury report of more than 1,000 cases of alleged clergy sex abuse in Pennsylvania since 1940, which was described by a former New York Times columnist as “grossly misleading, irresponsible, inaccurate, and unjust.”

Gov. Roy Cooper, North Carolina

Cooper is the second-term Democratic governor of a swing state that leans Republican and went for Trump in 2016 and 2020. 

Cooper, 67, is a member of the Presbyterian Church, U.S.A., and has previously taught religious education and served as a deacon. In 2023, he received the Faith Active in Public Life Award from a North Carolina council of Protestant denominations and congregations.

In 2019, Cooper vetoed a bill called the Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Act, which sought to require doctors to save the life of a baby born alive after an attempted abortion. Cooper called the bill “an unnecessary interference between doctors and their patients” and said it “would criminalize doctors and other health care providers for a practice that simply does not exist.”

In May 2023, Cooper vetoed a bill banning most abortions after 12 weeks, which the Republican-controlled state Legislature subsequently enacted by overriding his veto

In May 2020, in response to the COVID-19 crisis, Cooper limited church services to 10 people, a measure ultimately barred by a federal judge who said the move “appears to trust citizens to perform nonreligious activities indoors (such as shopping or working or selling merchandize) but does not trust them to do the same when they worship together indoors.” 

Earlier in his tenure, the governor was accused by social conservatives of infringing upon the religious liberties of North Carolinans after he signed a 2017 executive order expanding nondiscrimination protections to include “sexual orientation” and “gender identity or expression.”

Gov. Andy Beshear, Kentucky 

Beshear, a second-term Democratic governor in a solidly Republican state, would offer Harris a seasoned politician who is used to making his messaging sound moderate. 

At 46, the former corporate lawyer and son of a former governor of Kentucky is considered a rising star in the party.

While he is a pro-abortion governor in a pro-life state, Beshear aims for a moderate tone on the issue, offering a different approach from that of the national Democratic Party. 

“I’ve been very clear that I support Roe v. Wade, but I also support reasonable restrictions, especially on late-term procedures,” Beshear told a local television station in 2019.

In April 2020, during the coronavirus shutdowns, Beshear ordered Kentucky state police to take down license plate numbers outside Maryville Baptist Church in Louisville, which held a service despite the governor’s order banning it. 

However, three years later the practicing member of the Disciples of Christ signed a religious liberty bill into law. The new legislation prohibits the government from restricting religious organizations more severely than “essential” businesses and organizations and provides a legal route for religious groups “to sue the government if discriminated against.”

Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, Michigan 

Like Shapiro, Whitmer is a popular governor from a key battleground state. She won a second term as Michigan’s governor in 2022 by nearly 11 points.

The 52-year-old’s proven record of sparring with Trump and his allies could be an asset on the campaign trail, though most analysts think Harris is more likely to opt for a male running mate to balance the ticket.

But Harris could pick Whitmer if she wants to make the election all about abortion. 

The mother of two has shared her story of being raped as a college student to make the case for abortion exceptions for pregnancies resulting from abuse. After the fall of Roe, she helped repeal a law on the books that banned abortions in Michigan and followed that by signing legislation in 2023 that undid a slew of abortion regulations, including a ban on partial-birth abortions. 

On religious liberty, Whitmer supported an amendment that added sexual orientation to Michigan’s nondiscrimination laws. The bill did not include religious liberty protections called for by Catholics and other religious groups

The governor also signed off on a 2024 ban of “any intervention that attempts to change an individual’s sexual orientation or gender identity,” which some Catholic counselors said would prevent them from counseling children struggling with their gender identity in a way consistent with their faith.

Secretary Pete Buttigieg, U.S. Department of Transportation

As a 2020 contender for the Democrats’ presidential nomination, the 42-year-old Buttigieg already has some national recognition. 

The former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, would bring a dose of Midwest likability to Harris’ ticket and has already demonstrated the kind of talking points he’d employ against GOP vice presidential candidate J.D. Vance. 

As Biden’s secretary of transportation, abortion hasn’t exactly been a top issue for the Democrat over the past four years. 

But during his 2020 run, Buttigieg made it clear that he supports legal abortion, and he also called for the repeal of the Hyde Amendment, which limits federal funding for abortion. And as “Mayor Pete,” the then-local politician vetoed a city council decision to allow a crisis pregnancy center to open next door to an abortion facility.

The Episcopalian may have been given a fellowship at Notre Dame, but his conception of religious liberty is “minimalistic,” according to The Washington Post’s Michael Gerson. Buttigieg makes “no provision for religious institutions such as colleges to admit or hire according to their traditional religious standards,” Gerson wrote.

Buttigieg, who is in a civil marriage with a man and has twin children via adoption, has criticized those who appeal to religious liberty protections, claiming that their approach makes “it lawful to harm people so long as you remember to use your religion as an excuse.” 

Gov. Tim Walz, Minnesota 

Walz as Harris’ running mate wouldn’t likely make a difference in more-blue-than-purple Minnesota, but the 60-year-old, two-term governor would bring executive experience to the Democrats’ ticket. 

Additionally, Walz spent over a decade as the U.S. representative of a more conservative district in the Land of 10,000 Lakes, showing some capacity to appeal to moderates. 

As governor of Minnesota, Walz has aimed to turn the state into a “refuge” for abortion. In 2023 he signed legislation that would make it easier for out-of-staters to get abortions in Minnesota and codified a right to abortion in the state earlier in the year. 

Walz has already said that abortion will play a “major role” in this November’s presidential election and said voters will have the choice “to continue on making sure that women have bodily autonomy, or to turn that clock back.” 

A Lutheran, Walz approved a bill this year adding religious exemptions to Minnesota’s nondiscrimination statutes, which the Minnesota Catholic Conference and other religious groups said was needed to ensure that faith-based organizations, churches, and schools could act on their beliefs when addressing gender-identity issues. 

However, in 2023 Walz signed legislation that prevented high school students from attending classes at religious colleges for high school credit because these colleges require a statement of faith from all students. Parents and religious colleges have sued the state, and the case is still pending. 

Gov. J.B. Pritzker, Illinois

Pritzker, 59, is a second-term governor of a solidly Democratic state who would bring serious money to a presidential ticket. A member of the family that founded the Hyatt Corporation, he has a net worth of $3.5 billion and spent $171.5 million of his own money in his successful 2018 campaign to become Illinois’ top executive.

In a party that values access to abortion, Pritzker might boast of having the best credentials of anyone on most VP short lists.

He has approved new legislation repealing both the state’s requirement of parental notification for minors seeking abortion and its ban on partial birth abortions. In the latter case, the new statute allows abortion until viability, and then after that if a “health care professional” determines “the abortion is necessary to protect the life or health of the patient.” 

In 2023, Prtitzker signed a bill banning “deceptive practices” by pro-life crisis pregnancy centers but it was blocked by a federal court after the Thomas More Society sued claiming the law is illegal because it sought to unconstitutionally restrict free speech.

Beyond Illinois, Pritzker founded a political fundraising organization primarily to stump for access to abortion nationwide called Think Big America. He referred to opponents of abortion as “far right” and “extremists” in a YouTube video promoting the organization.

The Illinois governor, who was raised a Reform Jew, caught fire from religious liberty groups in 2020 after limiting religious services to no more than 10 participants as a COVID-19 related measure. The Thomas More Society called it a “stomp on the religious liberty of the people of Illinois.” Following a slew of lawsuits, Pritzker changed the mandates to “guidelines.”

This article was first published by the National Catholic Register, CNA's sister news partner, on July 25, 2024, and has been adapted by CNA.

Nebraska Supreme Court upholds abortion restrictions, ban on sex changes for minors

null / Credit: Brian A Jackson / Shutterstock

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Jul 26, 2024 / 16:15 pm (CNA).

The Nebraska Supreme Court on Friday ruled in favor of the legality of a law that restricts abortion after 12 weeks of pregnancy and prohibits doctors from performing sex change surgeries on minors, which allows both rules to remain in effect in the state.

Nebraska lawmakers passed the law in 2023, which covers both issues: abortion and sex change procedures for minors. The American Civil Liberties Union and Planned Parenthood filed a lawsuit which argued that the legislation violated Nebraska’s single subject rule, which states that “no bill shall contain more than one subject.”

The state supreme court rejected that argument, noting in the majority opinion that “single subject challenges are rare, and single subject violations even rarer.” According to the ruling, the law addresses the subject of “public health and welfare,” which encompasses both abortion and sex change procedures. 

“Prior cases have also emphasized that a bill may enact multiple policies, so long as those policies are united under a common purpose or object,” the judges wrote in the ruling.

“We disagree with Planned Parenthood’s contention that it is not possible to identify a single purpose of [the bill] that withstands single subject scrutiny,” the opinion continued. “[The law] does regulate both abortion and gender-altering care, but both abortion and gender-altering care are medical procedures, and [it] prescribes rules that define if and when such procedures can be performed.”

In response to the ruling, Republican Gov. Jim Pillen said he is “grateful for the court’s thorough and well-reasoned opinion upholding these important protections for life and children in Nebraska.”

“There was a dark moment last year when many feared that a victory for unborn babies was impossible and that the pro-life coalition might break apart,” the governor continued. “I was honored to partner with faithful allies and leaders across the state to combine the abortion ban with protections for kids against irreversible sex change surgeries. We worked overtime to bring that bill to my desk and I give thanks to God that I had the privilege to sign it into law.”

Ruth Richardson, president of Planned Parenthood North Central States, called the decision “heart-wrenching and infuriating” in a statement.

“This ban has already devastated Nebraskans’ lives and will undoubtedly widen dangerous health inequities for people in rural areas, people of color, people with low incomes, and young people,” Richardson said.

Nebraska law prohibits elective abortions after the 12th week of pregnancy but still allows for abortions in cases of rape, incest, and medical emergencies. Lawmakers failed to pass a law that would prohibit most abortions after six weeks of pregnancy after one Republican abstained from the vote.

The law also prohibits sex change surgeries for patients younger than 19. However, it still allows doctors to provide sex change drugs to minors in certain circumstances, such as when the “individual has a long-lasting and intense pattern of gender nonconformity or gender dysphoria.”

Although the law remains in effect, Nebraskans will vote on a referendum on Nov. 5, which would establish a constitutional right to abortion in the state constitution. Pro-life activists are trying to get a separate referendum on the ballot, which would restrict abortion after 12 weeks of pregnancy, similar to current law.

Omaha archbishop denies sexual abuse accusations

Omaha Archbishop George Lucas in a 2011 photo. / null

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Jul 26, 2024 / 15:40 pm (CNA).

Omaha Archbishop George Lucas has categorically denied accusations that he sexually abused two minors several decades ago while he was dean of education at St. Louis Preparatory Seminary in Missouri.

Lucas is one of several dozen priests, nuns, and lay men and women accused of sexual abuse of minors in a series of five separate lawsuits filed by 27 anonymous plaintiffs on Wednesday.

The abuse is alleged to have occurred over the span of several decades, with some of the purported crimes allegedly having occurred as recently as 2015.

The lawsuit naming Lucas was filed in the St. Louis County District Court. It alleges that as a priest Lucas coerced a 16-year-old boy identified as “D.S.” and another student into performing sexual acts with him at the St. Louis school. 

The suit alleges that Lucas first met D.S. at the school in 1988 and that the now-archbishop of Omaha began regularly sexually abusing the victim when he was a junior in high school, including manipulating him into performing a sexual act for better grades on at least one occasion.

Lucas strongly denied the accusations in a statement to CNA on Friday.

"I categorically deny the accusation made by an anonymous person. I have never had sexual contact with another person,” the prelate said.

The archbishop said he has “referred the matter” to the Vatican’s apostolic nuncio to the U.S., Cardinal Christophe Pierre, “for his guidance."

The five lawsuits were filed within 24 hours of each other in five different Missouri counties within the jurisdiction of the Archdiocese of St. Louis. 

The suits are seeking compensation for damages by the alleged abusers from the Archdiocese of St. Louis and its head, Archbishop Mitchell Rozanski.

Rozanski, who has been head of the diocese since 2020, is not being accused of sexual abuse, though the suit accuses Rozanski of knowingly covering up “multiple decades” worth of sexual abuse of minors.

According to David Clohessy, a spokesman for the Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests (SNAP), ten of the accused persons named in the lawsuits are still living.

Clohessy said that the testimony in the suits would encourage others to also come forward and would help heal victims of sexual abuse in the Catholic Church.

“Among the most devastating consequences of childhood sexual abuse is a feeling of utter helplessness. So, when victims are able to speak and take action and expose wrongdoers it helps victims feel like they're making progress and turning their pain into something that can be helpful to others,” he said.

The anonymous plaintiffs in the suits are being represented by attorneys from the law firms Bailey & Glasser, Levy Konigsberg, and Randles Mata.

The Archdiocese of St. Louis did not immediately respond to a query from CNA.  

Florida pro-abortion activists to pay restitution following pro-life clinic vandalism 

Vandalism at a Heartbeat of Miami pregnancy center in Hialeah, Florida, July 3, 2022. / Heartbeat of Miami.

CNA Staff, Jul 26, 2024 / 14:45 pm (CNA).

Four Florida activists from the abortion rights extremist group “Jane’s Revenge” agreed on July 25 to pay restitution and keep away from crisis pregnancy centers following vandalism and threats of violence on three pro-life clinics.

“We will not allow radicals to threaten and intimidate women seeking help from crisis pregnancy centers or the counselors and health care professionals serving these women and their babies,” Attorney General Ashley Mood said in a statement. “In Florida, illegal actions have consequences, and I am proud of the work our attorneys did in this case to make sure these extremists were held accountable.”

Moody and First Liberty Institute, a legal nonprofit, filed civil lawsuits authorized under the federal Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances (FACE) Act on behalf of several life-affirming pregnancy clinics in Florida. 

Three of the four activists pleaded guilty last month to criminal charges. The four of them are enjoined from going within 100 feet of the life-affirming clinics they targeted: the South Broward Pregnancy Help Center and the Life Choice Pregnancy Center as well as any of the five facilities owned by Heartbeat of Miami. 

Caleb Freestone, Amber Marie Smith-Stewart, and Annarella Rivera, will issue apologies for the 2022 acts of vandalism and together will pay $6,750 for the vandalism. Charges against the fourth defendant are pending.

The activists were associated with “Jane’s Revenge,” a militant pro-abortion group that targets pregnancy help centers and takes responsibility for arson, firebombing, and vandalism against the organizations. The group emerged after the leak of the Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe v. Wade in May 2022. 

At Heartbeat of Miami, the vandalism resulted in thousands of dollars in damages, with graffitied messages such as “Jane’s Revenge” and “If abortions aren’t safe, then neither are you” sprayed on the walls. 

Heartbeat provides free pregnancy tests; sonograms; pregnancy consultation and education, support, and referrals; and parenting preparation, according to its website. The center has a baby boutique that provides material supplies for women and has an abortion pill reversal contact center and post-abortion counseling. 

“The entry of these felony plea agreements serves as a reminder that no one should suffer violence for simply providing faith-based counseling and baby supplies to women and their babies,” said First Liberty Senior Counsel, Jeremy Dys. “Attorney General Moody’s leadership, together with our lawsuit, sends a clear message: those who target life-affirming reproductive health facilities with violence will face the legal penalties Congress established for their crimes.”

The FACE Act has frequently been used in defense of abortion. Numerous pro-life activists have recently been convicted under the statute, including a young mother who was recently sentenced to more than three years in prison for blocking the entrance to a New York facility. Other pro-life activists are facing up to 10 years in prison for blocking the entrance to an abortion clinic in Washington, D.C., in 2020, including several elderly activists who are facing prison time. 

Arkansas parish hit by multiple vandalism incidents

A vandalized statue of Mary, the Mother of God, at St. Leo Parish in Hartford, Arkansas, July 2024. / Fr. Joseph Chan

CNA Newsroom, Jul 26, 2024 / 14:20 pm (CNA).

Police are investigating after a parish in Arkansas was struck by three vandalism incidents in recent months, including the destruction of a statue of Mary on the parish grounds. 

Father Joseph Chan, the pastor at St. Leo Church in Hartford, Arkansas, told CNA that the incidents of vandalism began early last year. The parish is part of the Diocese of Little Rock. 

“The first was on February 26, 2023,” he said. “Our St. Leo sign and notification board had words/letters removed/jumbled to reflect body parts; for example, the letter ‘M’ was removed from the word ‘Mass’.”

“The second was on March 10, 2024, which involved graffiti to our sacristy door,” the pastor said. “Sprayed was a racial slur commonly directed towards African Americans.”

The most recent incident occurred on July 13. “Toppled to the ground were an angel and Mary statues,” Chan said. “Mary's neck was broken.  The statue of Jesus was seemingly untouched.”

“All three incidents happened within 18 months,” the priest noted. 

A vandalized statue of Mary, the Mother of God, at St. Leo Parish in Hartford, Arkansas, July 2024. Fr. Joseph Chan
A vandalized statue of Mary, the Mother of God, at St. Leo Parish in Hartford, Arkansas, July 2024. Fr. Joseph Chan

Law enforcement is investigating the crimes. 

“Police were notified but no suspects were identified tied to the vandalism to our knowledge,” Chan said. 

The pastor said parishioners have suffered "sadness” over the incidents. 

Mary Radley, a parishioner of the church, told the Arkansas Catholic this week that the parish has “filed with our insurance company to see how much money we will have to repair the damage.”

Chan, meanwhile, told the local outlet that “all parishes should have some sort of safeguards against vandalism,” but ”because it is the work of evil, prayer is the best antidote.”

Multiple Catholic parishes and holy sites have suffered vandalism in the U.S. in recent months and years. 

A statue of the Blessed Mother in a prayer garden on the grounds of the Basilica of the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception was damaged by an assailant earlier this year.

Catholic churches, schools, and cemeteries throughout the Archdiocese of Cincinnati, meanwhile, were targeted by pro-abortion vandalism ahead of a major statewide vote on abortion laws. 

Catholic facilities in Texas and Colorado were also targeted last year with vandalism. 

Florida Sen. Marco Rubio told EWTN News in March that the numerous attacks against Catholic churches are “not a focus or [has] the attention of [the Biden administration] or this Justice Department.”

“They can’t find a single person or any of these people that were responsible for these, what is a pretty concerted effort to attack Catholic churches in America,” Rubio said.

Bishops Barron and Paprocki stress the importance of ‘inviting Catholics back to Mass’

Bishop Robert Barron of Winona-Rochester, left, and Bishop Thomas Paprocki of Springfield with Andrew Hansen, director of communications for the Diocese of Springfield in Illinois. / Credit: Diocese of Springfield

CNA Newsroom, Jul 26, 2024 / 11:30 am (CNA).

Bishop Robert Barron of Winona-Rochester and Bishop Thomas Paprocki of Springfield — both Chicagoans who have known each other since the early days of their priesthood — recently sat down to discuss the most important aspects of living the Catholic faith today, including the importance of inviting Catholics who have stopped practicing the faith back to Mass. 

The two bishops, both of whom have garnered followings in the media — Barron via his Word on Fire media ministry and Paprocki for his expertise as a canon lawyer — appeared together with Andrew Hansen on the Diocese of Springfield’s Dive Deep podcast, recorded during the National Eucharistic Congress last week in Indianapolis. 

In light of the National Eucharistic Revival — of which the July 17-21 congress was the pinnacle — both men agreed that attending Sunday Mass and receiving Christ in the Eucharist is an “underappreciated” and crucial aspect not only of being Catholic, but of earthly happiness as well. 

“The majority of Catholics at least in our country don't go to Mass every Sunday…but actually, going to Mass on Sunday for us Catholics is fulfillment of the third commandment to keep holy the Sabbath, and the Sabbath is Sunday, and that doesn't happen twice a month or twice a year — it happens every week,” Paprocki said. 

“[If] you want to be not only a good Catholic but to be happy, you should go to church every Sunday…In terms of closeness, [Jesus is] coming right into our hearts when we receive him at Holy Communion and it's a way to get close to our Lord in terms of the body of Christ, the Church.”

Barron spoke about how as bishop, he visits parishes in his diocese and always ends his homilies with a call to “bring someone back in the course of this year.”

“And that’s low-hanging fruit. You all know someone in your family, someone at work, some of your kids, whoever…bring that one person back, we’ll double the size of this parish,” Barron said. 

“Catholic people themselves have to realize what Bishop Paprocki said, that they're in many ways the prime evangelizers…bring them to Mass.” 

Paprocki also noted that if children are brought up with the expectation that attending Sunday Mass is a “given” and not optional, they will be more likely to practice their faith as adults. 

“I sometimes talk to young children and we talk try to talk to them about the importance of going to Mass on Sunday, and they'll say, ‘Well, I want to go to Mass on Sunday but my mom and dad don't go, and they don't want to take me’...and I think that's really sad because the children know that they should be going to Mass on Sunday, and they want to go and their parents won't take them,” Paprocki said. 

“Growing up, [going to Mass] was just a given…it wasn't even a question. It's Sunday, and we go to Mass on Sunday, it's just what we do. So I think if you can develop that habit and [your] children go to Mass on Sunday, that will be something that they'll carry with them for the rest of their lives.”

In their half-hour discussion, Barron and Paprocki also addressed the importance of open dialogue about faith within families, as well as the need to counter the misconception that science and faith are incompatible. 

“The Catholic Church is the great religion of ‘yes.’ It affirms life. God wants us fully alive and that includes every aspect of life,” Barron said. 

The full video podcast can be accessed here. 

Priest sues gay hookup app Grindr over data leak

Msgr. Jeffrey Burrill / U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops

CNA Staff, Jul 26, 2024 / 11:10 am (CNA).

A priest is suing the gay dating and “hookup” app Grindr after the company reportedly failed to protect his data, leading to his resignation from a top position at the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB). 

In July 2021, Monsignor Jeffrey Burrill resigned from his post as the general secretary of the USCCB ahead of a report by The Pillar alleging that he had engaged in inappropriate behavior and frequent use of Grindr. 

The app advertises itself as “the largest social networking app for gay, bi, trans, and queer people.” Its geolocation feature is popularly known to facilitate sex hookups between gay men. 

The Pillar said its report on Burrill was based on “commercially available records” correlated to the priest’s mobile device. But a lawsuit filed this week claims that Grindr hadn’t taken steps to protect the data from third-party acquisition. 

The suit, filed in the Superior Court of California, claims the ​​group Catholic Laity and Clergy for Renewal (CLCR) purchased the priest’s data from the app and sent it to The Pillar. 

The gay hookup app “assures customers” that it “takes steps” to protect data from unauthorized access, use, or disclosure, the suit says. But Grindr allegedly “knew they were failing to protect sensitive personal data of its customers” yet failed to take steps to protect it, the filing says. 

Public reports “reveal a stunning pattern of [Grindr’s] intentional and reckless failure to protect private data of its customers,” the priest argues in the suit. 

The company allegedly “fraudulently conceals and fails to disclose that it provides and/or sells its users’ personal data to ad networks, data vendors, and/or or other third parties that sell the data or otherwise make it commercially available to others.”

The suit requests damages, lawyer’s fees, and “injunctive relief.” It also asks the court to forbid Grindr “from committing such unlawful, unfair, and fraudulent business practices.”

In 2022 Burrill returned to active ministry as a priest in his home diocese of La Crosse, Wisconsin, with then-Bishop William Callahan stating that the priest had “engaged in a sincere and prayerful effort to strengthen his priestly vows” and had “favorably responded to every request” made by the bishop and the diocese.

The priest was appointed to St. Teresa of Kolkata Parish in West Salem, where he serves as pastor. 

In his lawsuit, Burrill said his reputation had been “destroyed” by the data leak. 

In addition to losing his position at the USCCB, he was “subjected to significant financial damages and emotional and psychological devastation,” the suit says. 

Did ‘Churchianity’ Sink American Socialism?

Did ‘Churchianity’ Sink American Socialism?

It’s no exaggeration to say that Americans’ faith in institutions is at a nadir. A June 2023 Gallup survey found that public confidence in everything from the presidency to the medical system to newspapers is at or approaching record lows. Trust in religious institutions is also plummeting, a fact underscored by runaway rates of disaffiliation. As recently as 2007, 78 percent of Americans identified as Christian, while only 16 percent described themselves as religiously unaffiliated. Since then, self-identifying Christians have dropped to just 63 percent of the population, while “the nones” have risen to 29 percent. Some experts anticipate that the religiously unaffiliated could constitute a majority as soon as 2070.

The reverberations of this trend are visible across the country, including at the Mainline Presbyterian seminary where I teach. The percentage of nondenominational and unaffiliated students in our student body is growing, while the overall applicant pool for the Master of Divinity is shrinking. Many of those who matriculate are uncertain about whether they want to be ministers or work for a religious institution at all.

What they do know for sure is that they want the world to look different than it does now. Their righteous indignation about current affairs (the Israel-Gaza war being the most recent and pressing example) and the churches’ complicity in injustice can be a powerful force on campus and beyond. Their longing for honest reckoning and concrete change tends to nurture dissatisfaction with institutional half-measures, not to mention suspicion of those in power. Idealism and cynicism can be two sides of the same coin: if an institution can’t be today what it should have been yesterday, then perhaps it’s not worth fighting for in the first place. Social movements, activist networks, protests, and direct action have an electrifying appeal. Institutions seem destined to disappoint.

 

While it can be tempting to assume that today’s dissatisfaction is unprecedented, there’s a close analogue in American history: the Gilded Age. Janine Giordano Drake’s provocative book The Gospel of Church: How Mainline Protestants Vilified Christian Socialism and Fractured the Labor Movement underscores how the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries also saw soaring mistrust in institutions, especially the leading Protestant churches. For the small set of elite white Protestants that funded and frequented them, the picturesque church buildings that decorated the stark urban landscape of the industrializing United States evoked the beauty of “Christian civilization.” But those on the underside of the nation’s economic transformation viewed these same structures as a testament to the corruption of institutional Christianity.

The gospel of wealth propounded in the pulpit drove poor and working-class people out of the pews. As Drake points out, there were “nones” around the turn of the twentieth century, too: “The largest category of Americans in the 1906 census were, as was true a decade earlier, those with no religious affiliation.” But hers is not a secularization story. Even as working-class believers decried what they called “churchianity,” they retained a deep faith in Jesus of Nazareth, “a carpenter and refugee” who “afflicted the rich and comfortable with the gospel of social equality.” This faith coursed through the radical labor movement and, “in the absence of any common socialist nationality or culture,” held the Gilded Age community of socialists together.

That community cast a much longer shadow than most today would assume. At the turn of the twentieth century, capitalism’s endurance could not be taken for granted. Throughout that period, which was shaped by unchecked corporate prerogatives and state-backed violence against fledgling labor movements, radical critiques of the industrial order found a wide hearing. Drake illustrates their geographical reach with a series of maps documenting how socialist parties and the socialist press flourished across the country. Radicalism was rising not only in New York and Chicago but also in places like Girard, Kansas; Hendricks, West Virginia; Gulfport, Florida; and Burlington, Washington.

Beyond showing how Christian faith infused and animated radical movements, Drake also convincingly contends that Christian socialism belongs at the very center of the era’s political and religious history. Her cast of characters includes a few stars, especially Eugene V. Debs, who ran for president on the socialist ticket five times and won six percent of the popular vote in 1912. Debs “offered a new vision of Christian citizenship that valorized the poor and politically marginalized, including women and people of color, and endeavored to build a welfare state on the model of a community church.” While Drake acknowledges that racism and patriarchy were rife in wider radical circles, she finds in figures like Debs evidence that socialism was, on the whole, an egalitarian force.

Debs was anything but a lone voice crying in the wilderness. Drake describes how grassroots radicals championed municipal socialism in small towns and big cities alike, as their counterparts in the labor movement pushed the stolidly conservative American Federation of Labor (AFL) to the left. She also draws attention to a network of socialist-sympathizing ministers, which included well-known Christian social reformers like Charles Sheldon and Walter Rauschenbusch, as well as little-known figures like the Black Baptist George Washington Woodbey, the pioneering Unitarian Mila Tupper Maynard, and radical Catholic priests Thomas McGrady and Thomas J. Hagerty. By 1908, the Christian Socialist Fellowship boasted some twenty-five chapters, three hundred ministers, and five thousand subscribers to its flagship paper.

For socialists, it was a heady moment. “By 1908,” Drake writes, “socialism was threatening worldwide Christianity as the dominant expression of justice and morality.” More than a century on, one cannot help but wonder: How and why did this surging radical Gospel fade into relative obscurity? And how did conservative Christianity, which was back on its heels in the Gilded Age United States, come roaring back into the center of national life?

Drake places the blame squarely on Protestant institutions—and on one in particular. When thirty-three denominations came together in 1908 to found the Federal Council of Churches (FCC), they declared their joint ambition “to manifest the essential oneness of the Christian Churches of America in Jesus Christ as their Divine Lord and Saviour, and to promote the spirit of fellowship, service and cooperation among them.” At that gathering, the FCC adopted the “Social Creed of the Churches,” which drafted official positions on a variety of industrial questions. The FCC declared itself in favor of “the abolition of child-labor,” the “suppression of the ‘Sweating System,’” and the establishment of “a living wage as a minimum in every industry.”

Historians have often interpreted the FCC as a vehicle for a moderate Social Gospel—not especially radical, but nevertheless in favor of a deeper engagement in the fight for a just society. Drake sees something much more sinister at work: a reactionary plot, born of the clergy’s simmering anxiety, to pull the United States back from the socialist brink. In establishing the FCC, Drake argues, “white Protestant ministers effectively formed a trust (a non-compete agreement) on Christian ideals in order to keep the labor movement from drawing on the Christian tradition with its political demands.” These ministers forged close relationships with the leaders of the AFL, and yet this “conservative alliance,” as Drake sees it, was never about advancing the cause of social justice. Rather, this partnership was “formed by a shared desire to preserve an older social order, a regime where aspirant-class white Protestant men in the North acted as foremen and supervisors over women, brown-skinned and racially ‘in-between’ people.”

The plot worked, Drake contends, because of how adroitly the FCC and its wolfish operatives cast themselves as sheep. Historians have often remembered Methodist reverend Harry F. Ward, the primary author of the Social Creed, as a social-gospeler-turned-radical. But in fact, Drake argues, “he never quite escaped the paternalistic evangelistic posture of his parents.” She goes on to highlight the limitations of the Creed, “often interpreted as more radical than it was,” and questions Ward’s underlying priorities, observing that “his records brim not with evidence of better union contracts or municipal services, but with testimonials of workers who were so touched by his talks on the labor movement that they decided to join a church.”

The Presbyterian reverend Charles Stelzle serves as another case in point. An influential figure within the early FCC, Stelzle made a name for himself as a champion of workers. He joined the AFL and partnered with its leadership to galvanize the Men and Religion Forward Movement, an evangelistic campaign that proceeded on a purportedly pro-labor basis. But Drake chastises Stelzle, whom she regards as “fundamentally jealous” of socialist success, for always holding radicals at arm’s length. Stelzle and his FCC colleagues “said that they stood with the AFL, but in fact these clerics only stood with the most conservative members of the nation’s most conservative unions.”

Stelzle founded a Labor Temple in New York City that evolved in the 1910s into a major organizing hub for workers and socialists. Yet in Drake’s view, the fact that he refused to relinquish oversight of the space is more telling. During the World War I–era Red Scare, as scrutiny of the Temple’s activities intensified, its Presbyterian stewards failed to “defend the legitimacy of Christian Socialism as a Christian movement for positive social change.” True to form, they “refused to stand in alliance with the radicals.”

The saga of Stelzle’s Labor Temple is paradigmatic, in Drake’s analysis, of the FCC’s general insistence that all social-justice work operate through the Protestant churches. In so doing, the FCC quashed the independent moral authority of more radical voices. The dynamic grew worse after the end of World War I, when, according to Drake, “ministers were socializing with business leaders and President Woodrow Wilson in smoke-filled rooms” and taking cues for justice work from the likes of John D. Rockefeller.

Drake reads even Protestant ministers’ seemingly most worker-friendly messaging through a cynical lens. For example, in a report on a major 1919 steel strike, the clergy leading the Rockefeller-funded Interchurch World Movement called on their peers to take up a “legitimate prophetic role as advocate of justice.” Drake finds no earnest cry for reform in these words—only a call for the clergy to seize power and control. This suspicion of institutional Christianity—evident in Drake’s frequent use of flatly negative terms like “hoarded,” “extracted,” “exploited,” and “stole” to describe the FCC’s relationship with workers—pervades the entire book. The Protestant leaders promoting the Social Gospel “duped both the labor movement and the American people,” she concludes: “One might argue that these ministers were bribed by Rockefeller and other millionaires.”

 

Were the nation’s leading Protestants in fact so craven, their institutions so bereft of integrity? Drake is hardly alone in wanting to revise what she calls “the heroic narrative of Christian social service.” If an early generation of historians celebrated the rise of the Social Gospel as a historic breakthrough, more recent accounts have emphasized white Protestant reformers’ entanglement in the sins of racism, capitalism, and more. If Drake’s critique is even more bracing, it may be due to her keen sense of the stakes: had the constituencies that powered the FCC instead lined up behind the likes of Debs, as she believes their faith unequivocally demanded, then socialism (and, in her view, true Christianity) might have prevailed in the United States.

What does not come through in Drake’s story is that there were at least some within the FCC who were cheering for socialism, too. Many of the radical ministers Drake lionizes, including Rauschenbusch and Sheldon, were also involved in the FCC, which was a much bigger tent than Drake acknowledges. Its thirty-three member denominations encompassed everyone from Christian socialists Vida Dutton Scudder and W.D.P. Bliss to Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie; from Black civil-rights stalwarts Ida B. Wells, Reverdy C. Ransom, and Adam Clayton Powell Jr. to arch-segregationist white southerners. Power was not equally divided between these different constituencies, and Drake is right that elite white men kept a tight grip on the reins. But the FCC’s public witness was not easily determined by a single constituency. Behind the scenes there was always a scrum, with conservatives and moderates and progressives and, yes, sometimes even radicals championing their respective visions of the Gospel.

Participants in this scrum often made strategic calculations to advance an institutional long game. Rauschenbusch was a Christian socialist, but never became a card-carrying socialist party member. Among other things, he was afraid it would undermine his efforts to evangelize conservative churchgoers. He deemed it a worthy compromise, telling a former student, “Socialists in Rochester know that I am not a member of the party but they also know that I am making converts to Socialism right along and that my friendliness is helping them.” Harry Ward was similarly shrewd, collecting letters from labor leaders to gain leverage over the Right by showing how conservatives’ anti-labor stance was impeding their evangelism. For all his maneuvering, Ward still lost battles within both Methodism and the FCC. But even bruising defeats did little to deter him, as he wrote to the discouraged leader of the blacksmiths’ union: “You must not forget that the other crowd has been in control a long time, and we have been at this job only a little while.”

Ward’s faith in incremental institutional change was shared by other progressive clergy within the FCC, who hoped that their patient, persistent approach would transform the churches in a lasting way. Rev. Alva Taylor, one of the authors of the Interchurch World Movement strike report cited by Drake, regularly reminded his students at Vanderbilt Divinity School that there were downsides to giving up on the long, slow work of reforming institutions. “One can accomplish more fighting within than without,” he told them. “The very opposition one may incur will be educational to the group while if one is independent very few are concerned about what he does or believes.”

Of course, such counsel risks fostering complacency. Results matter, so what did the FCC actually achieve? Drake sees its main legacy as “the conservative Christian takeover of both the churches and the labor movement in the early twentieth century.” Yet some of the evidence she cites suggests a more nuanced picture. Prior to 1891, not a single Christian denomination endorsed organized labor in any form. Unbridled capitalism reigned supreme, with some Protestant ministers even endorsing the murder of unarmed foreign-born workers in the streets. Against this backdrop, the FCC’s promotion of a living wage, its affirmation of the legitimacy of trade unions, its advocacy for more humane immigration policies, and its insistence on a racially integrated membership—while less radical than the European socialism Drake extols—does not add up to a “conservative takeover.” The early twentieth-century FCC was compromising and incrementalist, but it pushed many conservative white believers in more egalitarian directions.

This interpretation also helps make sense of what happened after the 1920s, when the book’s main action ends. In her afterword, Drake brings the story up to the present day, making the case that an unbroken history of Protestant collusion with capital is responsible for America’s greatest collective ills, including Christian nationalism, white supremacy, and the rampant privatization of public goods. This bleak coda is too pat. Missing is any account of how the FCC threw its weight behind the New Deal, including many of its most radical dimensions. The organization’s support for the National Industrial Recovery Act, the Wagner Act, and more generated a significant backlash against ecumenical Protestant public witness, one that scholars have cited as an origin point for the contemporary Religious Right. Also missing from Drake’s account is any recognition of the fact that the FCC became, in 1946, the first large, predominantly white organization in the country to condemn Jim Crow. Its ecumenical successor, the National Council of Churches, lobbied alongside Black civil-rights organizations for the passage of landmark 1960s legislation. Ecumenical Protestants showed up in droves in support of Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, and the United Farm Workers during that era, too.

 

While the grassroots certainly lit the spark of concerted action in the early twentieth century, a closer look at the historical evidence shows that institutional insiders—sometimes no less zealous for justice—also played key roles in achieving social change. Even when their victories were only incremental and provisional, they were still important improvements. Mid-twentieth-century America was better because institutionalists and activists took advantage of opportunities to pull in the same direction.

Whether they can do it again remains to be seen. Institutional work requires an openness to compromise. It is often slow and messy and always incomplete. At their best, institutions can be—and, in fact, have been—genuinely responsive to human needs. They are essential vehicles through which we sustain massive trans-generational projects, including, for example, both democracy and Christianity. When institutions lose their way or fail to stand for what is right, we need creative agitators to call out and challenge them. But we also need savvy insiders, committed to justice and to preserving the durable structures that will help secure it.

Every year, for reasons I can’t quite explain, as commencement rolls around, a significant percentage of the students who declared themselves nondenominational when they arrived have become Presbyterian, Episcopalian, or the like. Somehow, at some point, without abandoning their ideals, they seem to find value in institutional leadership and belonging. Our broken church and fractured world need these budding institutionalists and activists to work and build together.

The Gospel of Church
How Mainline Protestants Vilified Christian Socialism and Fractured the Labor Movement
Janine Giordano Drake
Oxford University Press
$34.95 | 328 pp.

Heath W. Carter

Pro-life roundup: Harris pledges to restore Roe v. Wade

U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris speaks to reporters after meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the Vice President's ceremonial office in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on July 25, 2024, Washington, D.C. / Credit: Kenny Holston-Pool/Getty Images

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Jul 26, 2024 / 10:05 am (CNA).

Here’s a roundup of pro-life-related developments in the U.S. this week. 

Harris pledges to codify Roe in federal law

Since replacing President Joe Biden as the presumptive presidential nominee for the Democratic party, Vice President Kamala Harris has already made abortion a major focus of her campaign, pledging in several speeches to codify Roe v. Wade into federal law.

In a Wednesday night speech in Indianapolis, Harris bashed former President Donald Trump for nominating three Supreme Court justices who voted to overturn Roe.

“When I am president of the United States and when Congress passes a law to restore those freedoms, I will sign it into law,” she said.

“We who believe in reproductive freedom will fight for a woman’s right to choose,” said Harris, “because one does not have to abandon their faith or deeply held beliefs to agree that the government should not be telling her what to do.”

Harris has used this line repeatedly during her “Fight for Reproductive Freedoms Tour” in which she slammed states with pro-life laws as “immoral” and advocated for a national pro-abortion law. 

Iowa heartbeat law to take effect July 29

Iowa District Judge Jeffrey Farrell lifted a block on the state’s six-week pro-life law, clearing the path for the measure to finally take effect on July 29.

The Iowa “heartbeat” law was passed by the legislature in 2023. It protects unborn life from abortion once a baby’s heartbeat is detectable, which is typically around six weeks.

Planned Parenthood and several other abortion groups launched a lawsuit over the law and it was blocked by a district court shortly after passage. Polk County District Judge Joseph Seidlin ruled in 2023 that the law was likely invalid because it imposed an "undue burden" on abortion.

The Iowa Supreme Court, however, ruled on June 28 that the law is likely not unconstitutional because abortion is “not a fundamental right under the Iowa Constitution.” The high court returned the case to lower courts for further deliberation.

Commending the state supreme court’s ruling, Iowa’s Catholic bishops said: “For us, this is a question of the common good and human dignity. Human life is precious and should be protected in our laws to the greatest extent possible.”

Arkansas Supreme Court rules on abortion petition  

The Arkansas Supreme Court ordered that signatures as part of an abortion ballot initiative be counted after Secretary of State John Thurston said the documentation was improperly submitted.

This comes after Thurston denied abortion advocates their petition to add a broad pro-abortion amendment to the November ballot. The prosecutor said the activists failed to identify their paid canvassers or to indicate that the canvassers had followed state law regarding gathering signatures.

The state high court’s decision issued on Tuesday ordered Thurston to resume counting petition signatures gathered by volunteers by July 29.

The group claimed to have gathered over 100,000 signatures — well over the 90,700 required to add an amendment proposal to the ballot. Thurston, however, said that after subtracting the signatures allegedly invalidly obtained by paid canvassers, the group only had 87,382 signatures, more than 3,000 short of the minimum required.

The Arkansas Supreme Court ruled that the petition’s signatures could be counted but only those not gathered by paid canvassers, meaning the petition may fail to reach the necessary threshold for the November ballot.

Currently, Arkansas protects unborn life beginning at conception, only allowing abortion in cases in which the mother’s life is in danger.

If successfully passed, the abortion amendment would mandate that the state not “prohibit, penalize, delay, or restrict” abortion before 18 weeks of pregnancy. The amendment would further prohibit the state from restricting abortion at all stages in cases of rape, incest, fetal anomaly, or health of the mother.

Federal court denies effort to restrict abortion pill

The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals denied an appeal by seven Republican-led states to challenge the federal government’s recent loosening of restrictions on mifepristone, the pill that accounts for over 60% of all U.S. abortions.

The seven Republican states — Idaho, Iowa, Montana, Nebraska, South Carolina, Texas, and Utah — argued that the federal government’s loosening of mifepristone restrictions, such as allowing mail-order abortions and prescriptions via telemedicine, undermines their pro-life laws and harms women in their jurisdictions.

The states claimed they had standing to sue because the increase in women needing medical care after unsupervised chemical abortions would result in increased Medicaid expenses.

The 3-0 decision issued by a panel from the Ninth Circuit Court on Wednesday, however, denied the states had standing and dismissed their challenge.

The circuit court’s ruling cited the June 13 AHM v. FDA Supreme Court decision that unanimously rejected an attempt to impose stricter regulations on mifepristone because the doctors bringing the challenge lacked standing.

This comes as a coalition of seventeen Democrat-led states and the District of Columbia are suing to block any further efforts to restrict mifepristone.

Lawsuit by Texas woman wrongly imprisoned for abortion proceeds

U.S. District Judge Drew Tipton this week denied several requests to dismiss a lawsuit brought by a Texas woman who was wrongly imprisoned over her abortion.

The woman, Lizelle Gonzalez, was improperly jailed for murder by the county sheriff for three days in 2022. She was dismissed after the county found the charges were unfounded.

Texas law protects unborn life from conception. However, the law explicitly states that pregnant mothers cannot be prosecuted for their abortions.

Gonzalez is now seeking $1 million in damages from Starr County, which is in south Texas on the U.S.-Mexico border.

The best photos from the National Eucharistic Congress

Bishop Andrew Cozzens of Crookston, Minnesota, who spearheaded the U.S. bishops’ initiative of Eucharistic Revival, adores Christ in the Eucharist with tens of thousands of people in Lucas Oil Stadium. / Credit: Casey Johnson in partnership with the National Eucharistic Congress

CNA Staff, Jul 26, 2024 / 07:00 am (CNA).

More than 50,000 Catholics filled the Indiana Convention Center and Lucas Oil Stadium July 17–21 for the National Eucharistic Congress in Indianapolis. Clergy, religious sisters and brothers, young people, the elderly, and families came together for an incredible opportunity to grow closer to Jesus in the Eucharist.

The week was filled with heartfelt moments, laughter, joy, and inspiration as the faithful in attendance experienced the fruits of years of preparation for the congress, which was a major event in the United States Bishops’ Eucharistic Revival.

Here are some of the best photos from the National Eucharistic Congress:

Attendees of the National Eucharistic Congress in Indianapolis enter the Indiana Convention Center, where a sign reads "Revival Starts Here." Credit: Casey Johnson in partnership with the National Eucharistic Congress
Attendees of the National Eucharistic Congress in Indianapolis enter the Indiana Convention Center, where a sign reads "Revival Starts Here." Credit: Casey Johnson in partnership with the National Eucharistic Congress
Bishop Andrew Cozzens of Crookston, Minnesota, who spearheaded the U.S. bishops’ initiative of Eucharistic Revival, adores Christ in the Eucharist with tens of thousands of people in Lucas Oil Stadium. Credit: Casey Johnson in partnership with the National Eucharistic Congress
Bishop Andrew Cozzens of Crookston, Minnesota, who spearheaded the U.S. bishops’ initiative of Eucharistic Revival, adores Christ in the Eucharist with tens of thousands of people in Lucas Oil Stadium. Credit: Casey Johnson in partnership with the National Eucharistic Congress

Ciboria filled with hosts await the start of Mass at the National Eucharistic Congress at Lucas Oil Stadium in Indianapolis on July 18, 2024. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Ciboria filled with hosts await the start of Mass at the National Eucharistic Congress at Lucas Oil Stadium in Indianapolis on July 18, 2024. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Children spend time before the Blessed Sacrament during a special time of "family adoration" at St. John the Evangelist Church. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Children spend time before the Blessed Sacrament during a special time of "family adoration" at St. John the Evangelist Church. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
A woman at the National Eucharistic Congress kneels in prayer. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
A woman at the National Eucharistic Congress kneels in prayer. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Attendees kneel and reach for the monstrance as it passes by them during a procession at the National Eucharistic Congress in Indianapolis. Credit: Jacob Bentzinger in partnership with the National Eucharistic Congress
Attendees kneel and reach for the monstrance as it passes by them during a procession at the National Eucharistic Congress in Indianapolis. Credit: Jacob Bentzinger in partnership with the National Eucharistic Congress
A religious sister and a laywoman share a moment of joy at the expo hall at the Indiana Convention Center during the National Eucharistic Congress. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
A religious sister and a laywoman share a moment of joy at the expo hall at the Indiana Convention Center during the National Eucharistic Congress. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Bishops process in to Lucas Oil Stadium in Indianapolis on July 18, 2024. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Bishops process in to Lucas Oil Stadium in Indianapolis on July 18, 2024. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Religious sisters attend the National Eucharistic Congress at Lucas Oil Stadium in Indianapolis on July 18, 2024. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Religious sisters attend the National Eucharistic Congress at Lucas Oil Stadium in Indianapolis on July 18, 2024. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
The Eucharist and the crowd for the procession as part of the National Eucharistic Congress in Indianapolis. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
The Eucharist and the crowd for the procession as part of the National Eucharistic Congress in Indianapolis. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Religious sisters pass by on the National Eucharistic Congress procession in Indianapolis. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Religious sisters pass by on the National Eucharistic Congress procession in Indianapolis. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
The assembled faithful for the Eucharistic procession on the grassy mall in front of the Indiana War Memorial. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
The assembled faithful for the Eucharistic procession on the grassy mall in front of the Indiana War Memorial. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Bishop Andrew Cozzens holds the Eucharist over the faithful for benediction while standing on the Indiana War Memorial. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
Bishop Andrew Cozzens holds the Eucharist over the faithful for benediction while standing on the Indiana War Memorial. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
A young boy high fives a priest during the Eucharistic Procession through downtown Indianapolis. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
A young boy high fives a priest during the Eucharistic Procession through downtown Indianapolis. Credit: Jeffrey Bruno
More than 50,000 kneel in adoration of the Eucharist at the National Eucharistic Congress held at Lucas Oil Stadium in downtown Indianapolis. Credit: Jeffry Bruno
More than 50,000 kneel in adoration of the Eucharist at the National Eucharistic Congress held at Lucas Oil Stadium in downtown Indianapolis. Credit: Jeffry Bruno